This project has received funding from the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme for research, technological development and demonstration under grant agreement no 320294


Report on ‘Israel: Religion and Ethnicity as Basis for Different Minority Rights’ (D4.8)

The Israeli citizenship regime is a moving target. Some basic social, ethnic and political divisions which are captured by the categories of nationality, ethnicity, class, gender and religiosity are redefined by day-to-day administrative, regulatory and political processes. In these ways, Israeli citizenship is not so much a matter of constitutional debates on abstract rights of all or parts of the citizenry, it is also and more importantly, a manifestation of regulatory processes. The basic divisions are explored here with regard to a newly defined “credit ranking” regime which has been constructed by various state actors during the past two decades. This regime promotes the establishment of a new kind of citizenship, a financial citizenship. As part of its activity, each citizen is categorized according to his or her ‘financial worth’, and their personal financial profile is constructed as a device for identifying, locating and classifying targeted populations. Under these information markets citizens are no longer seen as individual customers, but as varying degrees of commercial risks and revenues. The new regime is expected to enhance competition in the highly centralized banking sector and encourage more competitions in this field. In this sense, these market-building initiatives are part of an extension of the credit based culture (or Financialization) of Israeli citizenship. The research, which is the first academic research on this issue in Israel, analyzes the policy process and extends the discussion around it by analyzing the economic, social and political aspects of Israeli citizenship in general and regarding minority and disadvantaged groups in particular.

For the full text please click here






Report on Croatia: A Serbian Minority Inside and a Croatian Diaspora Outside? (D4.7)

The existing research on the Croatian citizenship defines several stages of the development of the Croatian citizenship regime (Ragazzi & Štiks 2009; Djuric 2010; Štiks 2010b; Koska 2011; 2012; Ragazzi, Štiks & Koska 2013; Baričević & Hoffman 2014). The first decade of Croatian independence was marked by the disputes over the status dimension of citizenship, where the criteria for the membership in the newly formed citizenry had to be defined. Within this stage, the generous provisions for the inclusion of ethnic Croats regardless their residency have been enacted, while the provisions for exclusion of certain categories of non-Croat ethnic residents were implemented. The second stage which literature perceives to have start in 2000 (Petričušić 2004; Jović & Lamont 2010; Djuric 2010; Štiks 2010b; Koska 2012) was marked by liberalization of the discussions over the rights dimension of Croatian citizenship. The final stage involves the changes and impact on the Croatian citizenship regime that emerged in the aftermath of the Croatian membership to EU. Since Croatia has been an EU member state for only three years, the exploration of the changes of the Croatian citizenship regime with the EU have not been addressed so far. The task of this study is to explore the key political debates that emerged in the context of the previous developments of the Croatian citizenship regime.

Throughout all three stages, idea of membership to EU played a very important role in Croatian project of nation and statehood building; during the 1990s it was perceived as a long term guarantee of Croatian sovereignty, statehood stability and economic prosperity. The 2000s until the accession were marked by democratic changes and the legislative reification of the discriminatory policies and shortcoming of the regime of the 1990s, which were largely influenced by the meeting the requirements of the EU accession, which was set as the primary national priority and goal. The last stage, which have started in the eve of the accession and continued till today, is marked by the return of the identity disputes regarding the Croatian state and the membership identity. As this report will highlight, the first three years of EU membership did not build on the previous decades’ accomplishments of more inclusionary policies towards minorities; instead, Croatia has witnessed the revival of the nationalist discourse which is today in the media often framed under the term ‘conservative revolution’.


For the full report click here.





Contracting for Apprenticeship in Early Modern Europe (D3.5)

This paper examines how contacts were used to secure apprenticeships in Early Modern Europe. How apprenticeship was facilitated matters for our understanding of citizenship because service through training was one of the main avenues on the road to citizenship for European youth prior to 1800. It is well-known that the conditions associated with apprenticeship varied considerably across Europe, most notably with longer terms in England than elsewhere. Much as in present-day employment relationships, parties entering into apprenticeship agreements had incomplete and imperfect information about one another. Were the variations in apprenticeship practice matched by different methods being used to secure training relationships? When did parties use contracts, and how did they structure them, to resolve issues of incomplete information? We use evidence from several apprenticeship contracts in five European countries and regions to consider these issues. We find that contract were most frequently used where the costs of contracting were low and the benefits higher. While the general structure of contracts was fairly similar where they were used, the typical package of compensation and training varied between regions, particularly in terms of wages and board offered to apprentices. To address issues of incomplete information, many contracts included penalty clauses to discourage ex-post renegotiation, and the information about contract signatories provided suggests that parties should have some knowledge of alternative options available to apprentices outside of the contract.

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Working paper on rates of failure to qualify for citizenship and trades (Deliverable 3.4)

Europe’s historical citizenship regimes limited economic citizenship to specific groups. As in modern national citizenship regimes, those outsiders who sought to access economic rights needed to meet various criteria. In this paper, we evaluate how often individuals who had begun the process of qualification for economic citizenship failed to complete it. Our focus is on qualification by apprenticeship. This process generated human capital alongside rights. However, as we show for a range of cities, large numbers of youths entering apprenticeship contracts failed to complete them. We consider the nature, frequency and, to the extent that it is possible, the causation of these failures. Our results point to the value of failure as a way to maintain flexibility within labour markets Local, urban citizenship regimes preferred pragmatic responses to labour market tensions to rent seeking.

Download the full paper: D3.4_Exits_FINAL.


Working Paper on assessing policy implications for EU citizenship (Deliverable 11.1)

One of the goals of the FP7 project All Rights Reserved? Barriers towards European Citizenship (acronym: bEUcitizen) is to provide policy and decision makers on both the level of the EU and the level of the member states, with knowledge, guidance and tools that can be used to identify possible barriers (and opportunities) for exercising European Union citizenship. Here, an impact assessment framework and practical tools for executing impact assessments may be useful. Impact assessment is the systematic ex-ante evaluation of the likely or possible consequences of policies, programs, projects, laws and other forms of regulation for, in this case, EU citizenship. In this working paper we explore how an EU citizenship impact assessment framework, or impact assessment tools, can look like and on what these should focus. Based on existing literature and outcomes of the bEUcitizen project so far, we identify what impact assessment approaches are favorable, what elements should be included, what requirements should be met (the framework) and what concrete instruments, guidelines and other tools may be useful. To do so, we address five questions.

  1. How narrow or broad should the scope on EU citizenship be?
  2. What perspective or perspectives on impact assessment match which scope on EU citizenship?
  3. What characteristics of the policy goals and policy processes related to EU citizenship have to be taken into account in designing an impact assessment tool?
  4. On what forms of impact and on what subjects and issues should an impact assessment for EU citizenship focus? What do the preliminary results of the bEUcitizen project research teach us about the appropriate focus and subjects of such an assessment framework and tools?
  5. What requirements should impact assessment tool for EU citizenship meet in order to be integrated in existing practices of impact assessment on the level of the EC and the governments of the member states?

Read the working paper here.

Linguistic Landscapes in EU Member States: Politics of Visibility and Presence

Author: Višeslav Raos, University of Zagreb, Croatia



In this paper, I wish to explore linguistic landscapes in EU member states and the enactment of public visibility and presence of non-majority linguistic groups. Non-majority linguistic groups gain power, visibility and presence through the introduction of bilingual or multilingual signposts on roads, streets, squares and public buildings in towns and cities where a given linguistic group represents a significant population share. In my article, I shall engage in a comparative analysis of language policies of EU member states regarding enactment of official bilingual or multilingual signs in public space. Twenty out of twenty-eight EU member states have singed the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, while seventeen member states have ratified it. Although the Council of Europe and not the EU adopted the Charter, the Charter of Fundamental Rights, an integral party of the Lisbon Treaty, stipulates that language diversity is one of the fundamental values respected by the EU. Thus, this comparative research will assess various practices employed by member states’ governments in relation to the proclaimed values of multilingualism. Consequently, the aim of this paper is to depict and compare different language policies that produce linguistic landscapes in EU member states and to determine whether there is a convergence towards a common EU policy on bilingual and multilingual signs in public space.


Download the full paper: Raos_Politics of Visibility and Presence

Contesting Citizenship: to what extent do the linguistic challenges of the Polish minority in Lithuania pose a threat to the minority’s integration?

Author: Simona Gribulyte, Utrecht University, The Netherlands



This paper seeks to investigate the recent language-related challenges posed by the Polish ethnic minority in Lithuania. While exploring the unique historical circumstances between the neighboring countries, a particular attention is given to the general and specific rights and duties of citizenship and the Polish minority in Lithuania. The Poles enjoy the power of using general rights to vote, establish their religious institutions, set up businesses and cultural organisations, use Polish language in the radio or television. The minority has an exceptional right to study in Polish from secondary to tertiary level, yet is also expected to comply with and adapt to state’s legal provisions to become proficient in the Lithuanian language. Although the Lithuanian educational system for minorities is considered as one of the most liberal models in Europe, the ethnic group has responded negatively to the recent provisions by stating that the reform on education, reform on spelling of personal names and place names and land reform are threatening its national identity. The ongoing domestic disputes between Poland and Lithuania disrupt bilateral negotiations on energy security and thus delay further states’ integration into European markets. This study of citizenship and linguistic rights in Lithuania serves to our understanding of politics and language and the function of the latter in the development and preservation of national identity.


Download the full paper: Simona Gribulyte_Contesting-citizenship-1

Value in Law – Concept and Applications within the Legal System of the EU

Author: Roberta Astolfi, Universität Göttingen, Germany



This paper seeks to show a connection between epistemic facets of human language and political aspects of law. It will be tried to show how concepts, which have epistemic functions in the language system, may have both an evaluative and founding function in the legal system of the EU. Thanks to the circular relation “system of concepts-system of language-system of law”, the latter will be capable of adapting to the development of the social community in which it belongs, i.e. the European Union. In addition to this, the aforesaid relation would also allow the legal system to cooperate in the improvement of its (European) milieu.

Download the full paper: Roberta Astolfi – Value in Law concept and applications whitin the legal system of the EU

Pre-language tests: means of integration or barrier to family reunification?

Author: Gracy Pelacani, University of Trento, Italy



Language is a means to participate in society. Even more for migrants, the knowledge of the language of the host state is a fundamental instrument to attain integration. European Union member states seem to have fully comprehended its importance, and, in 2012, language has been the ambit with the most important expenditure related to migrants’ integration. However, what are the possible consequences on individual rights when language proficiency is transformed in a requirement to be fulfilled in order to be allowed to migrate, i.e. in an admission condition? The question arises as regard language and civic tests which use is spreading across EU member states. The employment of integration-from-abroad instruments, in fact, risks to be discriminatory, especially in relation to the most vulnerable among would-be migrants, such as women, minors or illiterate persons.

The EU and the CoE guidelines on integration, and on admission schemes in particular, suggest to adopt a needs-based approach and tailor-made courses, recommendations which are not always followed in the use of pre-admission language tests. Therefore, it appears that more as an integration instrument, they are utilised as tools to select and curb the entry of undesirable third-country nationals. Eventually, the responsibility for integration is put on migrants’ shoulders, and this demonstrates that member states demand integration to be an ex-ante result rather than a two-way process.

Particularly in the case of family reunification, pre-language tests could turn into a disproportionate obstacle in the exercise of a right which fundamental nature has been extensively recognised. The contrariety of such a requirement to EU law on family reunification and rights of EU citizens have been acknowledged by the European Commission and Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. Recently, the Court of Justice of the European Union has found the German pre-language test to put a disproportionate obstacle to family reunification in a case regarding a Turkish citizen, and a decision is awaited on a similar provision in Dutch legislation.

The paper aims to enter into details of the case-law just mentioned in order to describe the most problematic aspects of the matter that have been brought recently to the Court of Justice attention.


Download the full paper: Gracy Pelacani


Moravian Political Parties: The story of almost forgotten regionalist attempt in the Czech Republic

Author: Vít Hlousek, Masaryk University, Czech Republic



The paper deals with history and political impact of „Moravist“ or Moravian political representation. The movement that started already during the 1968/1969 period to rise claims of Moravian political autonomy or “home rule” and that was transformed after 1989 into the full-fledged political party to compete for chairs in Czech diet and Czechoslovak federal parliament presents an interesting example of failed attempt in regional and later on even ethnic mobilization in the history of recent Czech politics. The paper will focus on development of the Movement for Autonomous Democracy – Society for Moravia and Silesia and the parties and movements that followed after the disintegration of the movement in mid-1990s. Second aim of the paper is to analyse and evaluate strategies employed by Moravian regionalist parties in regard to valorisation the issue of regional minority claims. Original appeal of the Movement for Autonomous Democracy was based on claims for territorial autonomy lost during the communist period. Later on, together with marginalization of political relevance of Moravian parties and politicians (loss of parliamentary relevance after 1996), clear trend towards radicalization could be observed. The new generation of Moravian activists reframed actually the minority claims from territorial / regionalist context to the language of oppressed national minority distinctive from and suppressed by the Czech majority. This “invention” of separate Moravian “nationality” was by far the most original, though unsuccessful, attempt how to mobilize along the cleavages of ethnic politics in the Czech Lands after 1989.


Download the full paper: Hlousek Zagreb 2015 paper Moravia2